September 20, 2017

Times have been tough for many Venezuelans in recent years, and times have only gotten tougher in 2017. The government of President Nicolás Maduro (in disputed power since 2013) proved as volatile as ever, threatening a number of “imperialist” adversaries (primarily, the United States) as well as many of the nation’s own citizens. As he has done before, Maduro pushed measures to broaden his own power, measures that were heavily criticized by nations around the world. On several occasions, protests against the Maduro administration turned violent, and clashes with security forces have killed hundreds of Venezuelans. Thousands of people have been arrested for supporting the “traitorous” opposition, and many still languish in jail cells without having been charged with a crime.

On May 20, 2017, people march in Caracas, Venezuela, to protest the government of President Nicolás Maduro. Credit: Voice of America

The chronically failing economy (inflation is hovering around 700 percent) has pushed people into ever-more-desperate poverty, driving some to crime and others to flee the country. Colombia, Venezuela’s neighbor to the west and closest national cousin, had to close the border to stop the flood of refugees, but several times the border has been temporarily opened to allow Venezuelans to purchase staple items such as chicken, rice, medicine, and toilet paper—items once scarce and now virtually extinct in many parts of Venezuela. In February 2017, the Peruvian government helped ease some of the pressure, granting 12-month work visas to some 6,000 Venezuelans. For Venezuela’s millions of other suffering citizens, however, there has been little to do but vent frustration.

At the end of March, President Maduro closed the opposition-dominated National Assembly (the main legislative body that has tried to remove Maduro from power). He then handed power to the Supreme Court of Justice—a body under Maduro’s direct supervision. Massive protests forced the reversal of this move, but dissatisfaction continued. During April and May, protests shut down parts of Caracas, the capital, and other cities. In July, millions of people walked off their jobs in a collaborative, nationwide strike that brought Venezuela to a standstill.

On July 30, several people were killed during a dubious election for posts on an assembly that will rewrite the nation’s constitution in Maduro’s favor. On a lighter note in September, Maduro’s “rabbit plan” (asking people to raise rabbits for food in the protein-strapped country) met ridicule and failure as the rabbit kits handed out were tied with bows and adopted as pets instead of being bred for future dinners.

May 18, 2016

Last Friday, May 13, Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro decreed a 60-day state of emergency that increased executive, military, and police powers. It was the second time this year that Maduro had issued such a decree. He said the latest was intended to “to tend to our country and, more importantly, to prepare to denounce, neutralize, and overcome the external and foreign aggressions against our country.” The president has long accused his political opposition and foreign powers, particularly the United States, with economic and political sabotage.

People line up to try to buy toilet paper and diapers outside a pharmacy in Caracas, Venezuela, on May 16, 2016. Credit: © Carlos Garcia Rawlins, Reuters

Like his predecessor, President Hugo Chávez, Maduro has relied upon revenue from oil, Venezuela’s top export, to support the nation. However, a sharp fall in the global price of oil since the early 2000’s has ravaged the economy. Critics of the Socialist government also blame the crises on the failures of Chávez and Maduro to diversify the economy, save, and make long-term investments in such services as education and health care. In addition, the government has refused to accept aid from such international lending organizations as the International Monetary Fund.

By early 2016, Venezuela could not afford much-needed imports. Ordinary Venezuelans suffered from severe shortages of staple foods, medicines, and other basic products. In addition, skyrocketing inflation reduced the worth of their salaries. Health workers lacked basic medicines and supplies, and broken medical equipment could not be replaced. Shortages of water and electric power, caused by drought, also have had a large impact. To save power, the government declared a two-day work week for civil servants and implemented rolling blackouts. In many cases, hospitals lack electricity to operate life-saving equipment and even the water to clean medical facilities.

The economic problems coincided with a political struggle between Maduro and Venezuela’s legislature, the National Assembly. In December 2015, the Democratic Unity opposition coalition, led by Henrique Capriles, won a majority of Assembly seats. It was the first time in over 15 years that the Socialists lost control of the legislature. However, Maduro and the Supreme Court have blocked most of the Assembly’s new legislation, and Maduro has said it is a matter of time before the Assembly disappears. Opposition members in the Assembly vowed to oust Maduro by legal means. But, in April 2016, the Supreme Court blocked an attempt to shorten Maduro’s term by constitutional amendment and, in May, electoral authorities appeared to be delaying formal proceedings that could lead to a recall referendum on Maduro’s rule.

Amidst this economic and political climate, public demonstrations and looting have become increasingly common. A recent poll indicated that about 70 percent of Venezuelans wanted Maduro out of office, and the opposition collected nearly 2 million signatures, far more than needed, to legally kick start a recall referendum. Capriles called on the military to choose between the Constitution and Maduro. For now the president is hanging on, but his shelf life may be limited.

December 8, 2015

In a legislative election held Dec. 6, 2015, the opposition coalition known as Mesa de la Unidad Democrática (Democratic Unity Roundtable, or MUD) won control of Venezuela’s National Assembly. It was the first time in 16 years that the United Social Party of Venezuela (PSUV) had lost control of the country’s legislature. The opposition won at least 99 of the 167 seats in the Assembly, with 22 seats still undeclared on the day after the election. It claimed it had won a two-thirds majority or “supermajority,” which would give it certain powers that a smaller majority would not. The election took place part way through Socialist President Nicolás Maduro’s term in office. Maduro publicly accepted his party’s legislative defeat. A new presidential election was not expected until 2019, but the opposition’s victory raised the possibility of a public referendum on Maduro’s rule.

The MUD coalition was formed in 2008 to oppose Venezuela’s Socialist government. The Socialists, led first by President Hugo Chávez, then later by Maduro, had controlled Venezuela’s government since 1998. During their time in government, the Socialists have sought to implement a Socialist “Bolivarian Revolution,” named for the South American revolutionary Simón Bolívar. They have used profits from Venezuelan oil to help the poor, but critics have also observed the development of a kind of leftist dictatorship. Several times during the early 2000′s, the National Assembly gave Chávez and Maduro power to rule Venezuela by decree for long periods. The government has placed important industries under state control and arrested and imprisoned prominent opposition leaders.

At the time of the 2015 election, Venezuela was experiencing a form of economic crisis. Venezuelans were suffering from shortages of basic foods and of medicines, high inflation and unemployment, and a shrinking gross domestic product—that is, the value of goods and services produced in a country in a given period. President Maduro blamed such problems on an “economic war” waged by his opponents both in and outside of Venezuela. The price of oil, Venezuela’s top export, also had fallen significantly.

In such an economic climate, nearly 75 percent of Venezuelans turned out to vote, suggesting they might be ready for a change. Whether such change will occur soon remains to be seen. In 2010, Chávez’s opponents won enough Assembly seats to influence legislation. But shortly after that election, the outgoing Assembly gave Chávez the power to rule by decree. The new Assembly is expected to be installed in January 2016.

Additional World Book articles:

• Latin America (2007) – A Back in Time article
• Venezuela (2007) – A Back in Time article
• Venezuela (2012) – A Back in Time article
• Venezuela (2013) – A Back in Time article
• Venezuela (2014) – A Back in Time article